Eswatini is a tiny kingdom in Southern Africa ruled by an absolute monarch and is made up of four (4) administrative regions, namely; Manzini, Hhohho, Lubombo and Shiselweni. The population of Eswatini is slightly above 1.3 million people and about 72% of the populace lives way below the nationally defined poverty level (Kingdom of Swaziland 2019). Eswatini is also rated amongst countries with the highest prevalence of HIV cases (Braithwaite et al. 2013), which has primarily led to 56% poverty level for the child population (UNICEF 2017). The study targeted three primary schools in the rural areas of three of the four administrative regions of Eswatini. That is, Muntu primary school is located in the rural area of the Lubombo region, the poorest region in the country and the hardest hit by the effects of HIV and AIDS (UNICEF 2009). This also makes Lubombo to have the highest number of vulnerable children in the country (Braithwaite et al. 2013). Mjikaphansi primary school is located in the rural Hhohho region, and most children here (both boys and girls) were found to be roaming the dirty roads and imbibing alcohol. Finally, Mazingela primary school is located in the rural areas of the Manzini region. In this community, most families live in one roomed houses, in the form of squatter camps, with most parents working in the nearby industrial town, Matsapha, as cheap labour.

This study is part of a PhD study whose participants were 30 children affected by vulnerability, nine parents or caregivers and nine teachers. However, only 12 purposively selected vulnerable children aged between 11 and 13 years, who were being raised by their grandparents, were selected to participate in this study. This study targeted learners who were in the sixth grade, aged between 11 and 13 years and raised by either a single grandparent or both. Purposive sampling was utilised, and from the three schools, about 19 learners fitted the criteria, however seven had not attained the grandparents’ consent by the commencement of data collection, hence finally only 12 participants participated in this study. Nine participants were either single or double orphaned, and three had been abandoned by their parents either because of work commitments or because of marriage in other regions of the country.

The qualitative narrative approach was chosen for its credibility to comprehend human experiences in their context (Creswell 2014). Through this approach, the study was able to examine the children’s individual experiences as being framed within their family developmental contexts (Mcmillan & Schumacher 2010). The narrative inquiry was chosen based on the perspective that people are storytellers, and lead lives that are full of stories (Connelly & Clandinin 1990). Hardy (1968:5) asserted that people ‘dream in narratives, remember, anticipate, hope, despair, believe, doubt, plan, revise, criticize, construct, gossip, learn, hate and love by narrative’. Through the participants’ stories, the author could comprehend their daily lived learning experiences as predicated by their contexts (Creswell 2014), hence the perfect way to understand their realities.

The researcher is a native of Swati, and all interactions and interviews with the participants were conducted in the native language, siSwati. This allowed the participants to talk and express themselves without any linguistic restrictions (Mcmillan & Schumacher 2010). To generate data, the study used in-depth individual and focus group interviews. This placed the participants at the centre of the study, making them both active participants who can contribute to a drive for change and co-researchers who have a credible voice in matters affecting their lives (Gallacher & Gallagher 2008). The participants were urged to describe the kind of relationships they had with their grandparents, feelings around the whole family setup and its implication on their education. With permission from the participants, a digital voice recorder was used to assist in the accurate capturing of what each participant said, and to make up for data not recorded in notes. Field notes were used to record the participants’ emotions and body language. The tone and voice of the participants were also closely monitored to comprehend their emotions. Even though there were psychological counsellors on call for each school, considering the sensitivity of their vulnerability, none of the participants needed their services.

All interviews were conducted in the native language, Siswati. After all data were generated, these were then translated from Siswati to English. An inductive process of analysis was then followed, where themes and patterns were derived from the data (Creswell 2014). Data were then organised linking pseudonyms with the respondents. This was then followed by reading line by line, and listening to the recordings again for familiarity with the data and to identify emergent themes related to the study. These themes were then discussed in view of the theoretical frameworks of the study.

To respect the rights of the participants, the study had to observe and stick to various ethical considerations. Schools being under the Ministry of Education and Training in Eswatini, permission to conduct the research was, therefore, sought from the director of schools. Each of the schools’ principals also provided written consent, after which the University of KwaZulu-Natal research office was approached for ethical clearance. Once the study was cleared by the university, consent letters were written to the grandparents in Siswati clearly stating the issues of confidentiality, privacy and voluntary participation. Consent letters were also written to the children, considering that the study viewed them as competent human beings who can decide on issues that concern their lives (Christensen & Prout 2002). Trust and respect were maintained throughout the research process with all the research participants. It was also clarified to the participants that they could withdraw from the study whenever they desired so, and for this, they would not face any consequences. For the purposes of confidentiality, pseudonyms are used in this article to depict all schools and participants.

The children in the study really valued the relationships they had with their grandparents. Despite the conditions of their livelihood, the unconditional love and caring they received from their grandparents made them somehow content with their lives. However, most of the grandparents’ complacent attitude towards education was rather discouraging and not supportive of their schooling. The narratives illustrate:

The above-mentioned narratives underscore the importance of positive social relationships for the children’s view and commitment to school work and contrariwise (Gergen 2009). The warm relationships shared between grandparents and grandchildren enabled the vulnerable children to effectively cope and adapt to their reality that is being raised by the grandparents and not their biological parents (Lee & Blitz 2020), and at the same time embracing their adversity, ‘poverty’ and ‘struggling’ life situations. However, even though these relationships were commended, considering how much children in vulnerable situations need love and care (Guiney 2018), but most of them proved to be destructive and a major source of risk for the children’s education and educational success (Osher et al. 2020). Again, the narratives highlight how the children’s commitment and attitude towards school and school work are predicated on the grandparents’ own attitude towards both school and school work. For example, Nonto’s narrative highlights how grandparents’ ‘loving and caring ways’ could foster indiscipline and uncouth behaviour (Rosita & Truong 2015) that would consequentially impact children’s schooling. Nonto roams the streets late at night, and the grandparent has allowed such unruly behaviour without considering how her education is being affected.

Again, such an act does not only expose her to danger, rape and sexual exploitation in the night but also act as a compromise to the amount of time she spends with her books (Li & Liu 2019). Nonto’s behaviour and negative attitude towards education have heightened to such levels that she no longer ‘miss(es) her father’, only because the father is ‘strict’ and forces her to study. Indeed, this proves how Nonto has adopted her grandparent’s sloppy attitude towards school work. Yet, such ‘strict’ parental style is what Nonto needs to focus on her school work (Rosita & Truong 2015), as one of the investments towards her education (Madegwa et al. 2019). Without parental supervision, motivation to succeed, coupled with such lazy and unrestrained behaviour, cognitive development and academic success for children like Nonto cannot be assured (Li & Liu 2019), hence, making their poverty dominant and inflexible. To retract such behaviour from the children would call for the government of Eswatini to sensitise grandparents who raise their grandchildren with a focus on their discipline and setting limits for their grandchildren (Rosita & Truong 2015). Even though they are normatively allowed to ‘spoil’ their grandchildren (Li & Liu 2019), it should not be on the detriment of these children’s education. They need to understand that effective limit setting and a firmer parental style could help the grandchildren walk on the right path towards educational success, for their own development and the development of their families (Madegwa et al. 2019).

On a more serious note, Bobo’s grandfather’s dislike of education can be traced to the wider societal discourse, especially prevalent in the country’s rural areas, which traces promiscuity and moral decay to education (Julius 2019). Sadly, such constructions of education are rather demotivating and discouraging towards the children’s education at the same time proving how far removed these old people are from the importance of education, especially in alleviating penurious life situations (Madegwa et al. 2019), including their own. However, such negative constructions besides underscoring the influence of culture and tradition could also be attributed to generational differences (Madegwa et al. 2019) and also the burden that comes with caring for the grandchildren, especially within wanting and economically deprived family situations (Doyle 2020). The grandparents might be stressed or busy focusing on other things for the general upkeep of the family, than ensuring that their grandchildren like Nonto are ‘studying as early as 7 pm’.

It is, however, commendable that Popo’s grandmother understands that education is one way towards a better livelihood (Madegwa et al. 2019). Hence, she rejects and repudiates the societal discourses that were found to be prevalent in these rural contexts, to construe education as one way out of ‘slavery’. Popo narrates:

Popo’s grandmother is probably equating the long hours Popo’s mother works in the textile firms to ‘slavery’, because even though the pay is not good, she rarely has off days to come home and check on her family. Such constructions of education were likely to indeed motivate Popo to do well at school so that she would not end up being a ‘slave’ like her mother. Busiswa’s grandfather, on the other hand, does not put stress on education but is only concerned about his granddaughter’s future marriage. Again, probably emanating from the Swati people’s societal discourse that ‘umfati sibili ukakhe’ meaning a ‘real woman’ is one who is married and stays at her in-laws (Fielding-Miller et al. 2017). In essence, the greatest achievement for women within the Swati culture and tradition space is marriage and not education. However, socialising children along this discourse is problematic in the sense that it is already laying them on the path of being interpreted as a ‘man’s subaltern, a constructed subject, an abject … [the] dependant other’ (N’guessan 2011:198), whose value in society is pleasing and having the capability to keep men happy. The only choice women have is to be submissive and venerate men in all aspects of life (Fielding-Miller et al. 2017), which highlights inequitable gender relations. Again, Busiswa’s grandfather says nothing is being said by the grandparent about developing her self-efficacy for future independence and academic success (Osher et al. 2020), as one of the means to break the cycle of poverty for herself and her family.

It is worrying, therefore, as to how children who are raised within contexts where education is abhorred and are also discouraged can do well at school where the importance of education is obviously emphasised (Cooper & Cefai 2013). How feasible is it for these children to manoeuvre, combine and balance their diverse worlds – the home and the school, with their incongruent educational beliefs and expectations? Indeed, this highlights a congruence between learners who were supported by their parents and those who were not. Indeed, the negative, unsupportive and indifferent attitude, as being displayed by most of the grandparents in the above narratives, reveals the wanting family developmental contexts in which these children’s education is predicated and determined (Gergen 2009). Instead of buffering them and inculcating self-reliance against future adversities through education, most of these contexts and relationships open these children up for life failures, struggles and a continuous cycle of their indigent life situation (Osher et al. 2020). In the bigger scheme of things, these stories expose not only the diversity of learners in the school contexts as predicated by their family backgrounds and contexts but also the inequality in educational attainment prevalent in the schools. For the children raised by grandparents, their cognitive development is likely to start from a point of mental emptiness – without meaning and purpose, no motivation to succeed, no definite goals and no resolve towards educational success (Li & Liu 2019). Hence, as all children enter the school contexts, the educational ground is not level and most children raised by grandparents are already lagging behind and see no value in education. In essence, even though all learners may be exposed to the same educational contents and may go through the same syllabus with the aim to pass, but for learners raised by grandparents, their reality not only compromises their education but also makes them different from other learners (Osher et al. 2020). Indeed, this removes them from the idealised educational equality envisaged by the country (The Government of the Kingdom of Eswatini 2018).

However, teachers could be the catalysts for change and aid these children to effectively navigate their family developmental contexts, and align with the school culture towards educational success. That is, helping them not only deconstructs the ideologies created and socialised in the family developmental contexts which unfortunately belittles the importance of education but also effectively combines their family worlds with the world of school for effective educational achievement (Cooper & Cefai 2013). These vulnerable children’s stories also reveal the need for equitable education and school spaces that recognise diversity and individual learners’ needs at any given time and contexts. Education is ‘… mutually shaped to meet their [educational] needs’, (Bell 1997:3) and thus, the dominant structural barriers to their education must be considered. Teachers could also be encouraged to embrace social justice in the schools. Linking the principles of social justice and adopting a complex understanding of their learners’ diverse identities could help modify and guide their teaching in ways that meet the real needs of all their learners. At the same time, inculcating self-efficacy skills would not only help these children to dream beyond their situations but also individually navigate and outwit their compromising realities whilst finding purpose and meaning in their adversity. In essence, providing social relationships and contexts influences individual children’s development and resilience towards educational success (Gergen 2009), simultaneously finding effective ways to promote education equity for these children, so as to obtain a favourable balance towards their educational access, progress and achievement (Li & Liu 2019).

Despite the affection experienced under grandparental care, being raised by grandparents later turned to be emotionally and mentally draining for most of the children in the study. This is because, with old age, the caring roles changed and the grandchildren had to take care of their grandparents’ every need. This included taking care of them when they were sick and doing all the household chores. Again, the worry that came with the grandparents’ ill-health brought emotional turmoil for the vulnerable children. Such responsibilities and feelings were not only overwhelming but also crippling in ways that affected these children’s schooling (Osher et al. 2020). The narratives illustrate:

As observed before, the good relationships these children had with their grandparents is unquestionably admirable. However, with the changing aspects of caregiving, the children are affected in ways that are more complex. These children are not only affected emotionally and physically but the dynamics of caregiving also compound in ways thatare detrimental to both their welfare and education(Li & Liu 2019). Taking care of a sick person is a taxing and traumatic responsibility for an adult person, it is, therefore, incomprehensible how a 13-year-old child like Zonke or his 11-year-old younger brother navigates such stress and obligation. For example, as Zonke says, ‘one day I had to stay at home … yet there was a school function and lots and lots of food’, one could see the pain in his eyes, probably because their penurious situation meant that they at times went ‘to bed without having had anything to eat’. It is evident that for children like Zonke and his brother, school has become not just a place of educational attainment but also a place to ensure their food security (reference deleted to maintain the integrity of the review process 2017). Not going to school on particular days, therefore, meant that they missed both the days’ lessons and the only meal they are assured of, and that is the ‘rice and beans’ provided by the school. Again, this shows no educational support in any way or form from the sick, stressed grandparents (Nadorff & Patrick 2018).

Again, the emotional turmoil experienced by these children is bound to have a huge negative implication on both their welfare and schooling. As Zonke takes care of his grandmother, he is worried that the old woman could die, leaving him and his brother without a parental figure. The same way Kholi is worried that her grandmother could also die any time. The constant worry of losing a parental figure, especially for a child who has had so many losses in life, is obviously crushing (Guiney 2018). Probably in similar ways as having a loved one ‘raped’ weighs heavily not only for the victim but also for the 11-year-old Wakhi. For these children, their vulnerable and indigent life situations already intersect with their schooling and another dimension has been added (Raza 2017), and that is, the emotional stresses emanating from being caregivers of their ‘blind’, ‘sick’ and/or emotionally disturbed grandparents. This is in ways that undoubtedly removes them further from sustainable education. It is incomprehensible how this young children can navigate such hurdles and emotional disturbances towards educational excellence (Cooper & Cefai 2013). Indeed, this not only makes their concentration levels in the school wanting but also makes educational success for them a far-fetched dream (Li & Liu 2019).

Again, if it is not caregiving that constrains their focus towards education, the huge amount of work that these children have to do on their own is not only overwhelming but also bound to compete with their school work. Having to do all the household chores for children who are barely adults as the grandparent/s ‘… literally does [do] nothing’ is bound to put a great strain on them. It is unconceivable again, how these children could get time to study, write homework and do well at school, in their contexts and background, which is not only limiting but has now become a source of distress and apprehension (Osher et al. 2020). It is laudable though that despite such challenging and overwhelming situations, children like Kholi and Wakhi are determined to continue with education probably because they are aware that it is one of the ways they could change the course of their lives and establish a better future for them and their families (Madegwa et al. 2019). This calls for the redirecting of the country’s educational culture and the widening of the scope of social justice and inclusivity in schools, in ways that not only focus on enabling school access for the vulnerable children but also consider the effect of their developmental contexts as another additional dimension to their schooling. Pointing to the immediate need for teachers to adopt reflexive and adaptive mechanisms to respond to hyper-diversity within their learners at the same time addressing the varying levels of the children’s educational needs to ensure that all children are afforded the basic human right, education (Gaynor & Wilson 2020).

Furthermore, providing economical support for these children, and helping them hold-fast on education could be one of the ways to ensure that they navigate their abhorring life situations. As such, the government of the country should go beyond the payment of these children’s school fees, to also ensure that their holistic needs are met (Mkhatshwa 2017). At the same time, the state needs to ensure that old people, especially when they get sick, have caregivers who constantly check on them, at times providing security and help where need be. Doing so could go a long way in relieving the children who end up being caregivers from the worry that consequently affect their education. This could be one of the effective ways towards both educational access and success for the thousands of children raised by grandparents in the country (Dlamini 2020). It is also commendable that some children not affected by vulnerability, like Kholi’s friend Soso understand their (children raised by grandparents) situation and become handy in times of need. This reveals the importance of caring social relationships for the vulnerable children that are found to relieve them from their daily stresses and overwhelming responsibilities (Grace et al. 2012), in ways that would for a moment make and give them time to feel like children again – time to play with friends and probably concentrate on their studies. Such caring relationships should, therefore, be encouraged. This could be made possible by inculcating empathy from the other learners. This makes them aware of the other side of life, the challenges and the support that would be appreciated by children faced with such a predicament.